社會主義和共產主義

共產主義是無產階級的整個思想體系，同時又是一種新的社會制度。這種思想體系和社會制度，是區別於任何別的思想體系和任何別的社會制度的，是自有人類歷史以來，最完全最進步最革命最合理的。封建主義的思想體系和社會制度，是進了歷史博物館的東西了。資本主義的思想體系和社會制度，已有一部分進了博物館（在蘇聯）；其餘部分，也已「日薄西山，氣息奄奄，人命危淺，朝不慮夕」，快進博物館了。惟獨共產主義的思想體系和社會制度，正以排山倒海之勢，雷霆萬鈞之力，磅礴於全世界，而葆其美妙之青春。《新民主主義論》（一九四零年一月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六七九頁社會主義制度終究要代替資本主義制度，這是一個不以人們自己的意志為轉移的客觀規律。不管反動派怎樣企圖阻止歷史車輪的前進，革命或遲或早總會發生，並且將必然取得勝利。

The socialist system will eventually replace the capitalist system; this is an objective law independent of man's will. However much the reactionaries try to hold back the wheel of history, sooner or later revolution will take place and will inevitably triumph."Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957).

出處：《在蘇聯最高蘇維埃慶祝偉大的十月社會主義革命四十週年會議上的講話》（一九五七年十一月六日），人民出版社版第五頁

我們共產黨人從來不隱瞞自己的政治主張。我們的將來綱領或最高綱領，是要將中國推進到社會主義社會和共產主義社會去的，這是確定的和毫無疑義的。我們的黨的名稱和我們的馬克思主義的宇宙觀，明確地指明瞭這個將來的、無限光明的、無限美妙的最高理想。

We Communists never conceal our political views. Definitely and beyond all doubt, our future or maximum programme is to carry China forward to socialism and communism. Both the name of our Party and our Marxist world outlook unequivocally point to this supreme ideal of the future, a future of incomparable brightness and splendour."On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 282.*

出處：《論聯合政府》（一九四五年四月二十四日），《毛澤東選集》第三卷第一零五九頁

論聯合政府：一九四五年四月中共七大的政治報告，本書許多關於黨與群眾的語錄出自此文。

中國共產黨領導的整個中國革命運動，是包括民主主義革命和社會主義革命兩個階段在內的全部革命運動；這是兩個性質不同的革命過程，只有完成了前一個革命過程才有可能去完成後一個革命過程。民主主義革命是社會主義革命的必要準備，社會主義革命是民主主義革命的必然趨勢。而一切共產主義者的最後目的，則是在於力爭社會主義社會和共產主義社會的最後的完成。

Taken as a whole, the Chinese revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party embraces the two stages, i.e., the democratic and the socialist revolutions, which are two essentially different revolutionary processes, and the second process can be carried through only after the first has been completed. The democratic revolution is the necessary preparation for the socialist revolution, and the socialist revolution is the inevitable sequel to the democratic revolution. The ultimate aim for which all communists strive is to bring about a socialist and communist society."The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" (December 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 330-31.*

出處：《中國革命和中國共產黨》（一九三九年十二月），《毛澤東選集》第二卷第六四六頁

毛澤東選集：一九五〇年代起陸續出版的文集，收一九二五年以來的文章講話，是本書最主要的引證來源。

社會主義革命的目的是為了解放生產力。農業和手工業由個體所有制變為社會主義的集體所有制，私營工商業由資本主義所有制變為社會主義所有制，必然使生產力大大地獲得解放。這樣就為大大地發展工業和農業的生產創造了社會條件。

Socialist revolution aims at liberating the productive forces. The change-over from individual to socialist, collective ownership in agriculture and handicrafts and from capitalist to socialist ownership in private industry and commerce is bound to bring about a tremendous liberation of the productive forces. Thus the social conditions are being created for a tremendous expansion of industrial and agricultural production.Speech at the Supreme State Conference (January 25, 1956).

出處：在最高國務會議上的講話（一九五六年一月二十五日），一九五六年一月二十六日《人民日報》

我們現在不但正在進行關於社會制度方面的由私有制到公有制的革命，而且正在進行技術方面的由手工業生產到大規模現代化機器生產的革命，而這兩種革命是結合在一起的。在農業方面，在我國的條件下（資本主義國家內是使農業資本主義化），則必須先有合作化，然後才能使用大機器。由此可見，我們對於工業和農業、社會主義的工業化和社會主義的農業改造這樣兩件事，決不可以分割起來和互相孤立起來去看，決不可以只強調一方面，減弱另一方面。

We are now carrying out a revolution not only in the social system, the change from private to public ownership, but also in technology, the change from handicraft to large-scale modern machine production, and the two revolutions are interconnected. In agriculture, with conditions as they are in our country co-operation must precede the use of big machinery (in capitalist countries agriculture develops in a capitalist way). Therefore we must on no account regard industry and agriculture, socialist industrialization and the socialist transformation of agriculture as two separate and isolated things, and on no account must we emphasize the one and play down the other.On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 51, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 19-20.

出處：《關於農業合作化問題》（一九五五年七月三十一日），人民出版社版第二三——二四頁

關於農業合作化問題：一九五五年七月，講農業合作化的步驟與爭論。

新的社會制度還剛剛建立，還需要有一個鞏固的時間。不能認為新制度一旦建立起來就完全鞏固了，那是不可能的。需要逐步地鞏固。要使它最後鞏固起來，必須實現國家的社會主義工業化，堅持經濟戰線上的社會主義革命，還必須在政治戰線和思想戰線上，進行經常的、艱苦的社會主義革命鬥爭和社會主義教育。除了這些以外，還要有各種國際條件的配合。

出處：《在中國共產黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第二頁

在我國，鞏固社會主義制度的鬥爭，社會主義和資本主義誰戰勝誰的鬥爭，還要經過一個很長的歷史時期。但是，我們大家都應該看到，這個社會主義的新制度是一定會鞏固起來的。我們一定會建設一個具有現代工業、現代農業和現代科學文化的社會主義國家。

The new social system has only just been established and requires time for its consolidation. It must not be assumed that the new system can be completely consolidated the moment it is established, for that is impossible. It has to be consolidated step by step. To achieve its ultimate consolidation, it is necessary not only to bring about the socialist industrialisation of the country and persevere in the socialist revolution on the economic front, but to carry on constant and arduous socialist revolutionary struggles and socialist education on the political and ideological fronts. Moreover, various contributory international factors are required.Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*

出處：《在中國共產黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第二頁

對於我們的國家抱著敵對情緒的知識分子，是極少數。這種人不喜歡我們這個無產階級專政的國家，他們留戀舊社會。一遇機會，他們就會興風作浪，想要推翻共產黨，恢復舊中國。這是在無產階級和資產階級兩條路線、社會主義和資本主義兩條路線中間，頑固地要走後一條路線的人。這後一條路線，在實際上是不能實現的，所以他們實際上是準備投降帝國主義、封建主義和官僚資本主義的人。這種人在政治界、工商界、文化教育界、科學技術界、宗教界裡都有，這是一些極端反動的人。

The number of intellectuals who are hostile to our state is very small. They do not like our state, i.e., the dictatorship of the proletariat, and yearn for the old society. Whenever there is an opportunity they will stir up trouble and attempt to overthrow the Communist Party and restore the old China. As between the proletarian and the bourgeois roads, as between the socialist and the capitalist roads, these people stubbornly choose to follow the latter. In fact this road is impossible, and in fact, therefore, they are ready to capitulate to imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. Such people are to be found in political circles and in industrial and commercial, cultural and educational, scientific and technological and religious circles, and they are extremely reactionary.Ibid., pp. 3-4.

出處：《在中國共產黨全國宣傳工作會議上的講話》（一九五七年三月十二日），人民出版社版第三頁

嚴重的問題是教育農民。農民的經濟是分散的，根據蘇聯的經驗，需要很長的時間和細心的工作，才能做到農業社會化。沒有農業社會化，就沒有全部的鞏固的社會主義。

The serious problem is the education of the peasantry. The peasant economy is scattered, and the socialization of agriculture, judging by the Soviet Union 's experience, will require a long time and painstaking work. Without socialization of agriculture, there can be no complete, consolidated socialism."On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 419.

出處：《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八二頁

論人民民主專政：一九四九年六月，建國前夕對國家性質的闡述。

我們必須相信：（1）廣大農民是願意在黨的領導下逐步地走上社會主義道路的；（2）黨是能夠領導農民走上社會主義道路的。這兩點是事物的本質和主流。

We must have faith, first, that the peasant masses are ready to advance step by step along the road of socialism under the leadership of the Party, and second, that the Party is capable of leading the peasants along this road. These two points are the essence of the matter, the main current.On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., p. 18.*

出處：《關於農業合作化問題》（一九五五年七月三十一日），人民出版社版第二一頁

關於農業合作化問題：一九五五年七月，講農業合作化的步驟與爭論。

合作社的領導機關必須建立現有貧農和新下中農在領導機關中的優勢，而以老下中農和新老兩部分上中農作為輔助力量，才能按照黨的政策實現貧農和中農的團結，鞏固合作社，發展生產，正確地完成整個農村的社會主義改造。沒有這個條件，中農和貧農就不能團結，合作社就不能鞏固，生產就不能發展，整個農村的社會主義改造就不能實現。

The leading bodies in co-operatives must establish the dominant position of the poor peasants and the new lower middle peasants in these bodies, with the old lower middle peasants and the upper middle peasants - whether old or new - as the supplementary force. Only thus can unity between the poor and middle peasants be attained, the co-operatives be consolidated, production be expanded and the socialist transformation of the entire countryside be correctly accomplished in accordance with the Party's policy. Otherwise, unity between the middle and poor peasants cannot be attained, the cooperatives cannot be consolidated, production cannot be expanded, and the socialist transformation of the entire countryside cannot be achieved. Introductory note to"How Control of the Wutang Co-operative Shifted from the Middle to the Poor Peasants" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.

出處：《長沙縣高山鄉武塘農業生產合作社是行政機關從中農佔優勢轉變為貧農佔優勢的》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農村的社會主義高潮》中冊第八五七頁

中國農村的社會主義高潮：一九五五年編的一部資料集，收各地合作化材料並加按語。

中農是必須團結，不團結中農是錯誤的。但是工人階級和共產黨，在農村中，依靠什麼人去團結中農，實現整個農村的社會主義改造呢？當然只有貧農。在過去向地主作鬥爭、實行土地改革的時候是這樣，在現在向富農和其他資本主義因素作鬥爭實行農業的社會主義改造的時候，也是這樣。在兩個革命時期，中農在開始階段都是動搖的。等到看清了大勢，革命將要勝利的時候，中農才會參加到革命方面來。貧農必須向中農做工作，把中農團結到自己方面來，使革命一天一天地擴大，直到取得最後的勝利。

It is essential to unite with the middle peasants, and it is wrong not to do so. But on whom must the working class and the Communist Party rely in the countryside in order to unite with the middle peasants and realize the socialist transformation of the entire countryside? Surely on none other than the poor peasants. That was the case when the struggle against the landlords was being waged and the land reform was being carried out, and that is the case today when the struggle against the rich peasants and other capitalist elements is being waged to achieve the socialist transformation of agriculture. In both these revolutionary periods, the middle peasants wavered in the initial stages. It is only after they clearly see the general trend of events and the approaching triumph of the revolution that the middle peasants will come in on the side of the revolution. The poor peasants must work on the middle peasants and win them over, so that the revolution will broaden from day to day until final victory. Introductory note to"The Lesson of the 'Middle-Peasant Cooperative' and the 'Poor- Peasant Co-operative' in Fuan County " (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.

出處：《福安縣發生「中農社」和「貧農社」的教訓》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農村的社會主義高潮》中冊第七零一頁

中國農村的社會主義高潮：一九五五年編的一部資料集，收各地合作化材料並加按語。

富裕農民中的資本主義傾向是嚴重的。只要我們在合作化運動中，乃至以後一個很長的時期內，稍微放鬆了對於農民的政治工作，資本主義傾向就會氾濫起來。

There is a serious tendency towards capitalism among the well-to-do peasants. This tendency will become rampant if we in the slightest way neglect political work among the peasants during the co-operative movement and for a very long period after. Introductory note to"A Resolute Struggle Must Be Waged Against the Tendency Towards Capitalism" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.

出處：《必須對資本主義傾向作堅決的鬥爭》一文按語（一九五五年），《中國農村的社會主義高潮》上冊第三五三頁

中國農村的社會主義高潮：一九五五年編的一部資料集，收各地合作化材料並加按語。

農業合作化運動，從一開始，就是一種嚴重的思想的和政治的鬥爭。每一個合作社，不經過這樣的一場鬥爭，就不能創立。一個嶄新的社會制度要從舊制度的基地上建立起來，它就必須清除這個基地。反映舊制度的舊思想的殘餘，總是長期地留在人們的頭腦裡，不願意輕易地退走的。合作社建立以後，還必須經過許多的鬥爭，才能使自己鞏固起來。鞏固了以後，只要一鬆勁，又可能垮臺。

The agricultural co-operative movement has been a severe ideological and political struggle from the very beginning. No cooperative can be established without going through such a struggle. Before a brand-new social system can be built on the site of the old, the site must be swept clean. Invariably, remnants of old ideas reflecting the old system remain in people's minds for a long time, and they do not easily give way. After a co-operative is established, it must go through many more struggles before it can be consolidated. Even then, the moment it relaxes its efforts it may collapse. Introductory note to"A Serious Lesson" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.

出處：《嚴重的教訓》一文的按語（一九五五年），《中國農村的社會主義高潮》上冊第一二三頁

中國農村的社會主義高潮：一九五五年編的一部資料集，收各地合作化材料並加按語。

在最近幾年中間，農村中的資本主義自發勢力一天一天地在發展，新富農已經到處出現，許多富裕中農力求把自己變為富農。許多貧農，則因為生產資料不足，仍然處於貧困地位，有些人欠了債，有些人出賣土地，或者出租土地。這種情況如果讓它發展下去，農村中向兩極分化的現象必然一天一天地嚴重起來。失去土地的農民和繼續處於貧困地位的農民將要埋怨我們，他們將說我們見死不救，不去幫助他們解決困難。向資本主義方向發展的那些富裕中農也將對我們不滿，因為我們如果不想走資本主義的道路的話，就永遠不能滿足這些農民的要求。在這種情況之下，工人和農民的同盟能夠繼續鞏固下去嗎？顯然是不能夠的。這個問題，只有在新的基礎之上才能獲得解決。這就是在逐步地實現社會主義工業化和逐步地實現對於手工業、對於資本主義工商業的社會主義改造的同時，逐步地實現對於整個農業的社會主義的改造，即實行合作化，在農村中消滅富農經濟制度和個體經濟制度，使全體農村人民共同富裕起來。我們認為只有這樣，工人和農民的聯盟才能獲得鞏固。

The spontaneous forces of capitalism have been steadily growing in the countryside in recent years, with new rich peasants springing up everywhere and many well-to-do middle peasants striving to become rich peasants. On the other hand, many poor peasants are still living in poverty for lack of sufficient means of production, with some in debt and others selling or renting out their land. If this tendency goes unchecked, the polarization in the countryside will inevitably be aggravated day by day. Those peasants who lose their land and those who remain in poverty will complain that we are doing nothing to save them from ruin or to help them overcome their difficulties. Nor will the well-to-do middle peasants who are heading in the capitalist direction be pleased with us, for we shall never be able to satisfy their demands unless we intend to take the capitalist road. Can the workerpeasant alliance continue to stand firm in these circumstances? Obviously not. There is no solution to this problem except on a new basis. And that means to bring about, step by step, the socialist transformation of the whole of agriculture simultaneously with the gradual realization of socialist industrialization and the socialist transformation of handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce; in other words, it means to carry out co-operation and eliminate the rich-peasant economy and the individual economy in the countryside so that all the rural people will become increasingly well off together. We maintain that this is the only way to consolidate the workerpeasant alliance.On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 26-27.*

出處：《關於農業合作化問題》（一九五五年七月三十一日），人民出版社版第三一——三二頁

關於農業合作化問題：一九五五年七月，講農業合作化的步驟與爭論。

……統籌兼顧，是指對於六億人口的統籌兼顧。我們作計劃、辦事、想問題，都要從我國有六億人口這一點出發，千萬不要忘記這一點。

By over-all planning we mean planning which takes into consideration the interests of the 600 million people of our country. In drawing up plans, handling affairs or thinking over problems, we must proceed from the fact that China has a population of 600 million people, and we must never forget this fact.On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed. p. 47.

出處：《關於正確處理人民內部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第二四頁

關於正確處理人民內部矛盾的問題：一九五七年二月的講話，是本書第四章的直接來源，提出區分兩類矛盾。

除了黨的領導之外，六億人口是一個決定的因素。人多議論多，熱氣高，幹勁大。從來也沒有看見人民群衆像現在這樣精神振奮，鬥志昂揚，意氣風發。《介紹一個合作社》（一九五作年四月十五日），人民出版社版第一頁除了別的特點之外，中國六億人口的顯著特點是一窮二白。這些看起來是壞事，其實是好事。窮則思變，要幹，要革命。一張白紙，沒有負擔，好寫最新最美的文字，好畫最新最美的畫圖。《介紹一個合作社》（一九五作年四月十五日），人民出版社版第一——二頁中國革命在全國勝利，並且解決了土地問題以後，中國還存在著兩種基本的矛盾。第一種是國內的，即工人階級和資產階級的矛盾。第二種是國外的，即中國和帝國主義國家的矛盾。因為這樣，工人階級領導的人民共和國的國家政權，在人民民主革命勝利以後，不是可以削弱，而是必須強化。

出處：《在中國共產黨第七屆中央委員會第二次全體會議上的報告》（一九四九年三月五日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四三四頁

毛澤東選集：一九五〇年代起陸續出版的文集，收一九二五年以來的文章講話，是本書最主要的引證來源。

「你們不是要消滅國家權力嗎？」我們要，但是我們現在還不要，我們現在還不能要。為什麼？帝國主義還存在，國內反動派還存在，國內階級還存在。我們現在的任務是要強化人民的國家機器，這主要地是指人民的軍隊、人民的警察和人民的法庭，藉以鞏固國防和保護人民利益。

The first is internal, that is, the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The second is external, that is, the contradiction between China and the imperialist countries. Consequently, after the victory of the people's democratic revolution, the state power of the people's republic under the leadership of the working class must not be weakened but must be strengthened."Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China " (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 369.

出處：《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八零頁

論人民民主專政：一九四九年六月，建國前夕對國家性質的闡述。

我們的國家是工人階級領導的以工農聯盟為基礎的人民民主專政的國家。這個專政是幹什麼的呢？專政的第一個作用，就是壓迫國家內部的反動階級、反動派和反抗社會主義革命的剝削者，壓迫那些對於社會主義建設的破壞者，就是為了解決國內敵我之間的矛盾。例如逮捕某些反革命分子並且將他們判罪，在一個時期內不給地主階級分子和官僚資產階級分子以選舉權，不給他們發表言論的自由權利，都是屬於專政的範圍。為了維護社會秩序和廣大人民的利益，對於那些盜竊犯、詐騙犯、殺人放火犯、流氓集團和各種嚴重破壞社會秩序的壞分子，也必須實行專政。專政還有第二個作用，就是防禦國家外部敵人的顛覆活動和可能的侵略。在這種情況出現的時候，專政就擔負著對外解決敵我之間的矛盾的任務。專政的目的是為了保衛全體人民進行和平勞動，將我國建設成為一個具有現代工業、現代農業和現代科學文化的社會主義國家。

Our state is a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance. What is this dictatorship for? Its first function is to suppress the reactionary classes and elements and those exploiters in our country who resist the socialist revolution, to suppress those who try to wreck our socialist construction, or in other words, to resolve the internal contradictions between ourselves and the enemy. For instance, to arrest, try and sentence certain counter-revolutionaries, and to deprive landlords and bureaucrat-capitalists of their right to vote and their freedom of speech for a specified period of time - all this comes within the scope of our dictatorship. To maintain public order and safeguard the interests of the people, it is likewise necessary to exercise dictatorship over embezzlers, swindlers, arsonists, murderers, criminal gangs and other scoundrels who seriously disrupt public order. The second function of this dictatorship is to protect our country from subversion and possible aggression by external enemies. In that event, it is the task of this dictatorship to resolve the external contradiction between ourselves and the enemy. The aim of this dictatorship is to protect all our people so that they can devote themselves to peaceful labour and build China into a socialist country with a modern industry, agriculture, science and culture.On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 6-7.

出處：《關於正確處理人民內部矛盾的問題》（一九五七年二月二十七日），人民出版社版第三——第四頁

關於正確處理人民內部矛盾的問題：一九五七年二月的講話，是本書第四章的直接來源，提出區分兩類矛盾。

人民民主專政需要工人階級的領導。因為只有工人階級最有遠見，大公無私，最富於革命的徹底性。整個革命歷史證明，沒有工人階級的領導，革命就要失敗，有了工人階級的領導，革命就勝利了。

The people's democratic dictatorship needs the leadership of the working class. For it is only the working class that is most far-sighted, most selfless and most thoroughly revolutionary. The entire history of revolution proves that without the leadership of the working class revolution fails and that with the leadership of the working class revolution triumphs."On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 421.

出處：《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八三頁

論人民民主專政：一九四九年六月，建國前夕對國家性質的闡述。

人民民主專政的基礎是工人階級、農民階級和城市小資產階級的聯盟，而主要是工人和農民的聯盟，因為這兩個階級佔了中國人口的百分之八十到九十。推翻帝國主義和國民黨反動派，主要是這兩個階級的力量。由新民主主義到社會主義，主要依靠這兩個階級的聯盟。

The people's democratic dictatorship is based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie, and mainly on the alliance of the workers and the peasants, because these two classes comprise 80 to go per cent of China 's population. These two classes are the main force in overthrowing imperialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The transition from New Democracy to socialism also depends mainly upon their alliance.Ibid. Class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment are the three great revolutionary movements for building a mighty socialist country.

出處：《論人民民主專政》（一九四九年六月三十日），《毛澤東選集》第四卷第一四八三頁

論人民民主專政：一九四九年六月，建國前夕對國家性質的闡述。

階級鬥爭、生產鬥爭和科學實驗，是建設社會主義強大國家的三項偉大革命運動，是使共產黨人免除官僚主義、避免修正主義和教條主義，永遠立於不敗之地的確實保證，是使無產階級能夠和廣大勞動群衆聯合起來，實行民主專政的可靠保證。不然的話，讓地、富、反、壞、牛鬼蛇神一齊跑了出來，而我們的幹部則不聞不問，有許多人甚至敵我不分，互相勾結，被敵人腐蝕侵襲，分化瓦解，拉出去，打進來，許多工人、農民和知識分子也被敵人軟硬兼施，照此辦理，那就不要很多時間，少則幾年、十幾年，多則幾十年，就不可避免地要出現全國性的反革命復辟，馬列主義的黨就一定會變成修正主義的黨，變成法西斯黨，整個中國就要改變顏色了。

These movements are a sure guarantee that Communists will be free from bureaucracy and immune against revisionism and dogmatism, and will for ever remain invincible. They are a reliable guarantee that the proletariat will be able to unite with the broad working masses and realize a democratic dictatorship. If, in the absence of these movements, the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and monsters were all allowed to crawl out, while our cadres were to shut their eyes to all this and in many cases fail even to differentiate between the enemy and ourselves but were to collaborate with the enemy and were corrupted, divided and demoralized by him, if our cadres were thus pulled out or the enemy were able to sneak in, and if many of our workers, peasants, and intellectuals were left defenceless against both the soft and the hard tactics of the enemy, then it would not take long, perhaps only several years or a decade, or several decades at most, before a counter-revolutionary restoration on a national scale inevitably occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become a revisionist party or a fascist party, and the hole of China would change its colour. Note on"The Seven Well-Written Documents of Chekiang Province Concerning Cadres' Participation in Physical Labour" (May 9, 1963), quoted in On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism and Its Historical Lessons for the World, pp. 71-72.*

出處：《浙江省七個關於幹部參加勞動的好材料》的批語（一九六三年五月九日），《關於赫魯曉夫的假共產主義及其在世界歷史上的教訓》一文的引語，一九六四年七月十四日《人民日報》

人民民主專政有兩個方法。對敵人說來是用專政的方法，就是說在必要的時期內，不讓他們參與政治活動，強迫他們服從人民政府的法律，強迫他們從事勞動並在勞動中改造他們成為新人。對人民說來則與此相反，不是用強迫的方法，而是用民主的方法，就是說必須讓他們參與政治活動，不是強迫他們做這樣做那樣，而是用民主的方法向他們進行教育和說服的工作。在中國人民政治協商會議第一屆全國委員會第二次會議上的閉幕詞（一九五零年六月二十三日），一九五零後六月二十四日《人民日報》為了在更加鞏固的基礎上迅速發展中國的社會主義事業，中國人民正在共產黨的領導之下進行一個生氣勃勃的整風運動。這就是在城市和農村中對於社會主義和資本主義兩條道路、國家的根本制度和重大政策、黨政工作人員的工作作風、人民的生活福利等項問題，用擺事實講道理的方法，有領導地自由地展開全民性的大辯論，用以正確地解決在人民內部實際存在而為當前所必需解決的各項矛盾問題。這是一個社會主義的人民自我教育、自我改造的運動。

Under the leadership of the Communist Party, the Chinese people are carrying out a vigorous rectification movement in order to bring about the rapid development of socialism in China on a firmer basis. It is a movement for carrying out a nation-wide debate which is both guided and free, a debate in the city and the countryside on such questions as the socialist road versus the capitalist road, the basic system of the state and its major policies, the working style of Party and government functionaries, and the question of the welfare of the people, a debate which is conducted by setting forth facts and reasoning things out, so as correctly to resolve those actual contradictions among the people which demand immediate solution. This is a socialist movement for the self-education and self-remoulding of the people."Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957) Most arduous tasks lie ahead of us in the great work of construction.

出處：《在蘇聯最高蘇維埃慶祝偉大的十月社會主義革命四十週年會議上的講話》（一九五七年十一月六日），人民出版社版第八頁

為了進行偉大的建設工作，在我們的面前，擺著極為繁重的任務。雖然我們有一千多萬黨員，但是在全國人口中仍然只佔極少數。在我們的各個國家機關和各項社會事業中，大量的工作要依靠黨外的人員來做。如果我們不善於依靠人民群衆，不善於同黨外的人員合作，那就無法把工作做好。在我們繼續加強全黨的團結的時候，我們還必須繼續加強各民族、各民主階級、各民主黨派、各人民團體的團結，繼續鞏固和擴大我們的人民民主統一戰線，必須認真地糾正在任何工作環節上的任何一種妨害黨同人民團結的不良現象。

Although there are over 10 million members in our Party, they still constitute a very small minority of the country's population. In government departments and public organizations and enterprises much work has to be done by non- Party people. It is impossible to get this work well done unless we are good at relying on the masses and co-operating with non-Party people. While continuing to strengthen the unity of the whole Party, we must also continue to strengthen the unity of all our nationalities, democratic classes, democratic parties and people's organizations, and to consolidate and expand the people's democratic united front, and we must conscientiously get rid of every unhealthy manifestation in any link in our work that is detrimental to the unity between the Party and the people."Opening Address at the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China " (September 15, 1956).

出處：《中國共產黨第八次全國代表大會開幕詞》（一九五六年九月十五日），《中國共產黨第八次全國代表大會文獻》人民出版社版第八頁